Politics in India take place within the framework of its constitution, because India is a federal parliamentary democratic republic, in which the President of India is the head of country and the Prime Minister of India is the head of the government. India follows the dual policy system, i.e. a double government which consists of the central authority at the center and states at the periphery. The constitution defines the organization powers and limitations of both central and state governments, and it is well-recognized, rigid and considered supreme; i.e. laws of the nation must conform to it.
There is a provision for a bicameral legislature consisting of an Upper House, i.e. Rajya Sabha, which represents the states of the Indian federation and a Lower House i.e. Lok Sabha, which represents the people of India as a whole. The Indian constitution provides for an independent judiciary, which is headed by the Supreme Court. The court's mandate is to protect the constitution, to settle disputes between the central government and the states, to settle inter-state disputes, to nullify any central or state laws that go against the constitution, and to protect the fundamental rights of citizens, issuing writs for their enforcement in cases of violation.
Governments are formed through elections held every five years (unless otherwise specified), by parties that secure a majority of members in their respective lower houses (Lok Sabha in the central government and Vidhan Sabha in states). India had its first general election in 1951, which was won by the Indian National Congress, a political party that went on to dominate subsequent elections until 1977, when a non-Congress government was formed for the first time in independent India. The 1990s saw the end of single-party domination and the rise of coalition governments. The elections for the 16th Lok Sabha, held from April 2014 to May 2014, once again brought back single-party rule in the country, with the Bharatiya Janata Party being able to claim a majority in the Lok Sabha.
In recent decades, Indian politics has become a dynastic affair. Possible reasons for this could be the absence of party organizations, independent civil society associations that mobilize support for the parties, and centralized financing of elections. The Economist Intelligence Unit has rated India as a "flawed democracy" in 2016.
Political parties and alliances
For other political parties, see List of political parties in India. An overview on elections and election results is included in Elections in India.
Main articles: Indian general election, 2009 and Indian general election, 2014
Compared with other democratic countries, India has a large number of political parties. It has been estimated that over 200 parties were formed after India became independent in 1947.
Some features of the political parties in India are that the parties are generally woven around their leaders, the leaders are actively playing a dominant role, and that the role of leadership can be transferred, thus tending to take a dynastic route. The two main parties in India are the Bharatiya Janata Party, also known as the BJP and the Indian National Congress, commonly called the INC or simply Congress. These two parties dominate national politics. On the left-right political spectrum, the Indian National Congress is a party created and first headed by Jawaharlal Nehru which is turned into a dynastic rule, whereas the BJP is its main contender which holds Hindutuva as its core agenda.
Types of political parties
Main article: List of political parties in India
There are two types of political parties in India - National Party and Regional/State party. Every political party must bear a symbol and must be registered with the Election Commission of India. Symbols are used in Indian political system as an identity of political parties and so that illiterate people can also vote by recognizing symbols of party.
In the current amendment to the Symbols Order, the Commission has infused the following five principles, which, in its view, should govern the polity in the country, situate as it is in its present state:
- Legislative presence is a must for recognition as a National or State party.
- For a National party, it must be the legislative presence in the Lok Sabha and for a State party, the legislative presence must be reflected in the State Assembly.
- In any election, a party can set up a candidate only from amongst its own members.
- A party, that loses its recognition, shall not lose its symbol immediately, but shall be given the facility to use that symbol for some time to try and retrieve its status. (However, the grant of such facility to the party to use its symbol will not mean the extension of other facilities to it, as are available to recognized parties, like, free time on Doordarshan/AIR, free supply of copies of electoral rolls, etc.)
- Recognition should be given to a party only on the basis of its own performance in elections and not because it is a splinter group of some other recognized party.
- A political party shall be eligible to be recognized as a National party if:
- it secures at least six percent(6%) of the valid votes polled in any four or more states, at a general election to the House of the People or, to the State Legislative Assembly; and
- in addition, it wins at least four seats in the House of the People from any State or States.
it wins at least two percent (2%) seats in the House of the People (i.e., 11 seats in the existing House having 543 members), and these members are elected from at least three different States.
- Likewise, a political party shall be entitled to be recognized as a State party, if:
- it secures at least six percent (6%) of the valid votes polled in the State at a general election, either to the House of the People or to the Legislative Assembly of the State concerned; and
- in addition, it wins at least two seats in the Legislative Assembly of the State concerned.
it wins at least three percent (3%) of the total number of seats in the Legislative Assembly of the State, or at least three seats in the Assembly, whichever is more.
At present there are seven national parties and many more state parties.
India has a history alliances and breakdown of alliances. However, there are three alliances on a national level in India, competing with each other for the position of Government. The member parties work in harmony for gratifying national interests, although a party can jump ships. The three alliances -
- National Democratic Alliance (NDA) - Centre-Right coalition led by BJP was formed in 1998 after the elections. NDA formed a government, although the government didn't last long as AIADMK withdrew support from it resulting in 1999 general elections, in which NDA won and resumed power. The coalition government went on to complete the full five-years term, becoming the first non-Congress government to do so. In the 2014 General Elections, NDA once again returned to power for the second time, with a historic mandate of 336 out of 543 Lok Sabha seats. BJP itself won 282 seats, thereby electing Narendra Modi as the head of the government.
- United Progressive Alliance (UPA) - Centre-Left coalition led by Indian National Congress; this alliance was created after the 2004 general elections, with the alliance forming the Government. The alliance even after losing some of its members, was reelected in 2009 General Elections with Manmohan Singh as head of the government.
- Third front - A coalition of parties which do not belong to any of the above camps due to certain issues. One of the party in the alliance, the CPI(M), prior to 2009 general elections, was a member party of the UPA. The alliance has no official leading party, and smaller parties often enter and leave the alliance according to political convenience. Many of these parties ally at national level but contest against each other at state level. The inherent problem with such a third front is that they are only bound together by the fact that they are not aligned to either of the two 'main' alliances, and not through similar ideological stances. This often means that this alliance is merely an alliance in name and does not really provide a united front which can serve as an alternative to the two historically prominent alliances. Therefore, despite the presence of this so-called Third front and seemingly alternative options, Indian politics by and large remains a de facto two party system at the national level.
Main articles: Panchayati Raj and Local self-government in India
Panchayati Raj Institutions or Local self-government bodies play a crucial role in Indian politics, as it focuses on grassroot-level administration in India.
On April 24, 1993, the Constitutional (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 came into force to provide constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj institutions. This Act was extended to Panchayats in the tribal areas of eight States, namely Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Rajasthan from 24 December 1996.
The Act aims to provide 3-tier system of Panchayati Raj for all States having population of over 2 million, to hold Panchayat elections regularly every 5 years, to provide reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women, to appoint State Finance Commission to make recommendations as regards the financial powers of the Panchayats and to constitute District Planning Committee to prepare draft development plan for the district.
Role of political parties
For other political parties, see List of political parties in India. An overview on elections and election results is included in Elections in India.
As with any other democracy, political parties represent different sections among the Indian society and regions, and their core values play a major role in the politics of India. Both the executive branch and the legislative branch of the government are run by the representatives of the political parties who have been elected through the elections. Through the electoral process, the people of India choose which representative and which political party should run the government. Through the elections any party may gain simple majority in the lower house. Coalitions are formed by the political parties, in case no single party gains a simple majority in the lower house. Unless a party or a coalition have a majority in the lower house, a government cannot be formed by that party or the coalition.
India has a multi-party system, where there are a number of national as well as regional parties. A regional party may gain a majority and rule a particular state. If a party is represented in more than 4 states, it would be labelled a national party. Out of the 66 years of India's independence, India has been ruled by the Indian National Congress (INC) for 53 of those years, as of March 2014.
The party enjoyed a parliamentary majority save for two brief periods during the 1970s and late 1980s. This rule was interrupted between 1977 and 1980, when the Janata Party coalition won the election owing to public discontent with the controversial state of emergency declared by the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The Janata Dal won elections in 1989, but its government managed to hold on to power for only two years.
Between 1996 and 1998, there was a period of political flux with the government being formed first by the nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) followed by a left-leaning United Front coalition. In 1998, the BJP formed the National Democratic Alliance with smaller regional parties, and became the first non-INC and coalition government to complete a full five-year term. The 2004 Indian elections saw the INC winning the largest number of seats to form a government leading the United Progressive Alliance, and supported by left-parties and those opposed to the BJP.
On 22 May 2004, Manmohan Singh was appointed the Prime Minister of India following the victory of the INC & the left front in the 2004 Lok Sabha election. The UPA ruled India without the support of the left front. Previously, Atal Bihari Vajpayee had taken office in October 1999 after a general election in which a BJP-led coalition of 13 parties called the National Democratic Alliance emerged with a majority. In May 2014, Narendra Modi of BJP was elected as Prime Minister of India.
Formation of coalition governments reflects the transition in Indian politics away from the national parties toward smaller, more narrowly based regional parties. Some regional parties, especially in South India, are deeply aligned to the ideologies of the region unlike the national parties and thus the relationship between the central government and the state government in various states has not always been free of rancor. Disparity between the ideologies of the political parties ruling the centre and the state leads to severely skewed allocation of resources between the states.
Main article: Socio-economic issues in India
See also: Corruption in India
The lack of homogeneity in the Indian population causes division between different sections of the people based on religion, region, language, caste and race. This has led to the rise of political parties with agendas catering to one or a mix of these groups. Parties in India also target people who are not in favour of other parties and use them as an asset.
Some parties openly profess their focus on a particular group; for example, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam's and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam's focus on the Dravidian population and Tamil identity; Biju Janata Dal's championing of Odia culture; the Shiv Sena's pro-Marathi agenda; Naga People's Front's demand for protection of Naga tribal identity; People's Democratic Party and National Conference's calling for Kashmiri Muslim identity. Some other parties claim to be universal in nature, but tend to draw support from particular sections of the population. For example, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (translated as National People's Party) has a vote bank among the Yadav and Muslim population of Bihar and the All India Trinamool Congress does not have any significant support outside West Bengal.
The narrow focus and votebank politics of most parties, even in the central government and central legislature, sidelines national issues such as economic welfare and national security. Moreover, internal security is also threatened as incidences of political parties instigating and leading violence between two opposing groups of people is a frequent occurrence.
Economic issues like poverty, unemployment, development are main issues that influence politics. Garibi hatao (eradicate poverty) has been a slogan of the Indian National Congress for a long time. The well known Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) encourages a free market economy. The more popular slogan in this field is Sab Ka Sath, Sab ka Vikas (Cooperation with all, progress of all). The Communist Party of India (Marxist) vehemently supports left-wing politics like land-for-all, right to work and strongly opposes neo-liberal policies such as globalisation, capitalism and privatisation.
Law and order
Terrorism, Naxalism, religious violence and caste-related violence are important issues that affect the political environment of the Indian nation. Stringent anti-terror legislation such as Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act, POTA and MCOCA have received much political attention, both in favour and opposed.
Terrorism had effected politics India since its conception, be it the terrorism supported from Pakistan or the internal guerrilla groups such as Naxalites. In 1991 the former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated during an election campaign. The suicide bomber was later linked to the Sri Lankan terrorist group Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, as it was later revealed the killing was an act of vengeance for Rajiv Gandhi sending troops in Sri Lanka against them in 1987.
The Babri Masjid demolition on December 6, 1992 by RSS and BJP resulted in nationwide communal riots in two months, with worst occurring in Mumbai with at least 900 dead. The riots were followed by 1993 Mumbai Bomb Blasts, which resulted in more deaths.
Law and order issues, such as action against organised crime are issues which do not affect the outcomes of elections. On the other hand, there is a criminal–politician nexus. Many elected legislators have criminal cases against them. In July 2008, the Washington Post reported that nearly a fourth of the 540 Indian Parliament members faced criminal charges, "including human trafficking, child prostitution immigration rackets, embezzlement, rape and even murder".
High Political Offices in India
Main article: President of India
The Constitution of India lays down that the Head of State and Union Executive is the President of India. S/He is elected for a five-year term by an electoral college consisting of members of both Houses of Parliament and members of legislative assemblies of the states. The President is eligible for re-elections; however, in India's independent history, only one president has been re-elected, Rajendra Prasad.
The President appoints the Prime Minister of India from the party or coalition which commands maximum support of the Lok Sabha, on whose recommendation he/she nominates the other ministers. The President also appoints judges of the Supreme Court and High Court. It is on the President's recommendation that the Houses of Parliament meet, and only the president has the power to dissolve the Lok Sabha. Furthermore, no bill passed by Parliament can become law without the president's assent.
However, the role of the president of India is highly ceremonial. All the powers of the president mentioned above are exercised on recommendation of the Union Cabinet, and the president does not have much discretion in any of these matters. The president also does not have discretion in the exercise of his executive powers, as the real executive authority lies in the cabinet. The current President is Ram Nath Kovind.
Main article: Vice President of India
The Office of the Vice-President of India is constitutionally the second most senior office in the country, after the President. The vice-president is also elected by an electoral college, consisting of members of both houses of parliament.
Like the president, the role of the Vice-President is also ceremonial, with no real authority vested in him/her. The Vice-President fills in a vacancy in the office of President (till the election of a new president). His only regular function is that he functions are the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha. No other duties/powers are vested in the office. The current Vice President is M.Venkaiah Naidu.
The Prime Minister and the Union Council of Ministers
Further information: Prime Minister of India, Union Council of Ministers, and Narendra Modi ministry
The Union Council of Ministers, headed by the Prime Minister, is the body with which the real executive power resides. The Prime Minister is the recognized head of the government.
The Union Council of Ministers is the body of ministers with which the PM works with on a day-to-day basis. Work is divided between various ministers into various departments and ministries. The Union cabinet is a smaller body of ministers which lies within the Council of Ministers, which is the most powerful set of people in the country, playing an instrumental role in legislation and execution alike.
All members of the Union Council of ministers must be members of either House of Parliament at time of appointment, or must get elected/nominated to either House within six months of their appointment.
It is the Union Cabinet that co-ordinates all foreign and domestic policy of the Union. It exercises immense control over administration, finance, legislation, military, etc. The Head of the Union Cabinet is the Prime Minister. The current Prime Minister of India is Narendra Modi.
Main article: State governments of India
India has a federal form of government, and hence each state also has its own government. The executive of each state is the Governor (equivalent to the president of India), whose role is ceremonial. The real power resides with the Chief Minister (equivalent to the Prime Minister) and the state council of ministers. States may either have a unicameral or bicameral legislature, varying from state to state. The Chief Minister and other state ministers are also members of the legislature.
Dynasties in Indian Politics
In recent decades, Indian politics has become a dynastic affair. The reasons for this state of affair could be the absence of a party organization, independent civil society associations that mobilize support for the party, and centralized financing of elections. This phenomenon is seen both at the national level as well as the state level. One example of dynastic politics has been the Nehru–Gandhi family which produced threeIndian prime ministers as well as leading the Congress party. At state level too, a number of political parties for example, Shiromani Akali Dal, DMK, Shiv Sena, PDP, Janata Dal (Secular), Telugu Desam Party, Telangana Rashtra Samithi and Samajwadi Party are led by family members of the previous leaders.
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Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
Coalition with BJP
Coalition with INC
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The Argumentative Indian is a book written by Nobel Prize winning Indian economist Amartya Sen. It is a collection of essays that discuss India's history and identity, focusing on the traditions of public debate and intellectual pluralism. Martha Nussbaum says the book "demonstrates the importance of public debate in Indian traditions generally."(pp47–48)
The Argumentative Indian has brought together a selection of writings from Sen that outline the need to understand contemporary India in the light of its long argumentative tradition. The understanding and use of this argumentative tradition are critically important, Sen argues, for the success of India's democracy, the defence of its secular politics, the removal of inequalities related to class, caste, gender and community, and the pursuit of sub-continental peace.
The book takes the form of four sections containing linked essays: "Voice and Heterodoxy", "Culture and Communication", "Politics and Protest", "Reason and Identity". The first section looks at the general culture of pluralistic debate within India, dating back to Buddha and kings such as Ashoka. The second section seeks to restore the reputation of Rabindranath Tagore as an intellectual polymath, combining spiritual and political ideas, and explores India's relationship to other cultures, including the West and China, especially the peaceful and intellectually rewarding cross-fertilising relationship between the two great Asian cultures. The third section looks at conflicts of class and criticises inequalities in Indian society and arguments that have been used to justify them. Finally, the book explores modern cultures of secularism and liberalism in an Indian context.
Gordon Johnson, president of Wolfson College, Cambridge, and general editor of "The New Cambridge History of India", argues that Amartya Sen's political aim is to expose "India's new cultural chauvinism", which "relates Indian identity to a particular sort of Hinduism" fanning communal violence, before a dispassionate analysis of historical facts:
- Amartya Sen's own political agenda is clear for all to see and is wholly admirable [...] Given the virtue of Sen's position, to which nearly all of us would subscribe, it is hard to have to say that "The Argumentative Indian" proves on close reading to be a flawed book. This is because Sen does not go beyond stating self-evident truths. Although nicely written, and with many points of interest, there is a thinness and superficiality about the whole that displeases. [...] My greatest disappointment with this book is that its use of history is as unscrupulous and trivialising as that of those Sen wishes to bring down. "The Argumentative Indian" is not sufficiently thoughtful and serves as a forceful reminder that history is constantly being used in a dangerously naive way.
Johnson questions several historical examples, e.g.
- There is a more serious distortion of Mughal history. The Mughal emperor Akbar, who ruled from 1556 to 1605, is always compared to Aurangzeb, who ruled from 1658 to 1707. There has long been a 1066 and All That view of these rulers, and it is one to which Sen repeatedly subscribes. Akbar was a good thing because he was nice to Hindus [... and] Aurangzeb [...] was a fundamentalist Islamic bigot and implemented policies that discriminated against his non-Muslim subjects, which was all a bad thing and caused the downfall of the Mughal Empire. But this is a grossly over-simplified account of Akbar, whose reign saw some pretty bloody politics and whose position on religion seems not too far removed from that of contemporary European princes with their resort to axe and fire. And it misreads the whole of the second half of the 17th century. Of course Aurangzeb was keen on Islam (or on a particular strain of it), and his piety spilled out into public policy. Of course he was cruel to his subjects, among them Hindus. But under Aurangzeb the Mughal Empire reached its greatest extent and successfully incorporated military, political and social elites of all religions into its structure. By the time of his death, the Mughals had created an extraordinarily sophisticated political and economic regime commanding consent despite its intolerances and its religious enthusiasm.
- ^Nussbaum, Martha (2007). The Clash Within: Democracy, Religious Violence, and India's Future. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02482-3.
- ^John Walsh, "The Argumentative Indian by Amartya Sen reviewed", Asian Review of Books
- ^G. Johnson, Effort to right wrongs leaves past shackled, The Times Higher Education Supplement, 30 September 2005.